Social Solidarity and Religious Based Islamic Sufism of Khalwatia Samman Thareqah Community

One principle in every Thareqah and deep flow understanding of Su-fism that has not been discussed, though it has been attached to various Tarekat flows, both classical and modern, is solidarity social. The present study aims to investigate the solidarity social and identity religious order of Khalwatiyah Samman . By applying a qualitative case study, the data was collected through depth-interview, observation, and documentation review. The study participants applied a purposive technique by pre-de-termining the participants’ characteristics to obtain the data. The results show that the Congregation of the Khalwatiyah Samman , Maros, represents solidarity social-based Islamic spiritualism. The harmony between the members is the main characteristic of the community. Pilgrims’ sub-mission to the caliph figure becomes socially fundamental for integrity and harmony to prevent disintegration. Two fundamental factors maintain this charismatic leadership, genealogy and scientific genealogy. Both give legitimacy to a caliph’s leadership in a Tarekat. People who want to join the community must pass the first and essential stage, Bai’at. Some stages follow it to maintain solidarity, such as congregational prayer, recitation, and other wider activities. The Congregation of Khalwatiyah Samman is symbolically characterized by wearing a Turban. The Turban has its own story and philosophical value itself. The study implies information on social integration from various stratum and public differences based on spirituality.


Introduction
In Indonesia, neither classic nor contemporary, Islamization cannot be separated from the Sufism tradition (Khairiyah, 2020). The Sufism tradition is adopted not only the Sufism concept but also the religiosity aspect esoteric (inner) religion as the main aspect (Afifudin, 2017). The Sufism tradition cannot be separated from the history of Islam in the archipelago from the 1200s to the 1880s. However, several formalism researchers tend to form orthodox Islamic law from Sufism speculative. The Wali Songo was crucial in forming Indonesian Islam from IIV to IVII centuries (Ulya, 2022;Darmawan & Makbul, 2022). Many spiritual leaders believe, such as Mirah Silu became Sutan Malikus Shalih (Fuad, 2011).
Hamzah Fansuri and Shams al-Din al-Sumatrani represent Speculative Sufism (Taufani, 2018). Meanwhile, Al-Raniri and Al-Sinkili represent Orthodox Sufism (Son, 2018). In the 17th century, Al-Raniri and Al-Sinkili were closely related to al-Qushashi and al-Kurani from the Middle East (Faslah, 2016). These two traditions of Sufism continue to compete to find their respective members. Therefore, Islam cannot be separated from Sufism. An interesting Islamic Archipelago is Islamic Thariqah. Many Thariqah have developed, such as Qadiriyah, Naqsyabandiyah, Khalwatiyah and Sammaniyah (Muvid & Kholis, 2020;Supriatna, 2023). This Islamic Thariqah spread widely from Sumatra, Java, to Celebes. At the end of the 19th century, Islamic Sufism adopted modern Sufism. For example, the Naqsyabandi Thareqah started new ways of developing their congregation (Ahmed, 2019).
History shows the involvement of Sufism during the colonial ages (Abdurahman & Nur, 2018). Snouck Hurgronje, as a colonialist, plays a significant role in influencing the colonialists to keep Muslims from jihad and Sufi scholars away. Snouck believes the Sufi concept is the old ideas, not rebellious ideas to ruler colonial (Fuad, 2011). It also seems that Snouck did not realize the right potency of the Thareqah movement. Ziaulhaq Hidayah brings the impressive Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah Babussalam that the Thareqah movement can collaborate with the Sultans who have power and gain full support (Hidayah, 2017). Thareqah is also flexible to integrate the obedience to fiqh that oriented shari'a and local wisdom (Hidayah, 2017). The flexibility brings the more significant possibility to unite Muslims and attract more people to join the community. Moreover, Ziaulhaq shows that the Thareqah can be a transnational islamic movement with a cross-country network.
Sufism ideology, particularly in the Thareqah community, is the ability to adapt to the era's change (Sadiqin & Hayani, 2020). Classical Sufism, like various Thareqah flows, has its characteristics; thus, they have certain conditions to join their community. Modern Sufism is more flexible. Meanwhile, Contemporary Sufism, like Urban Sufism, also has its condition. Zamhari illustrates modern Sufism is simpler than other Sufism flows. For example, bai'at is not part of a requirement to join as a member of their community. There is no need for a sanad to convey Islamic messages since a Kiai or Habib is enough. Members can also follow and implement other Thareqah teachings, such as some rituals only do sholawat and dhikr together (Zamhari, 2003). These patterns are the characteristics of modern Sufism. Zamhari found that Sufism has been innovating its substance to maintain by making it simpler. For that reason, Julia Howell shows that modern Sufism promotes social piety. They are more forward and brave to appear on television, spread their teachings through the camera, and continuously use wider mass media and technology information development (Howell, 2008).
Sufism teachings are transformed into a public need, particularly in urban. Sufism becomes a pragmatic life stage for urban society (Afidah, 2021), such as business, education, and family matters. Modern Sufism arises in different ways from classic Sufism to answer the needs of urban society. Sufism shows the loving, forgiving, and patient of Islamic teachings (Howell, 2008). Classic Sufism represented by the Thareqah began to follow and adapt with congregation interest. Amin Syukur and Abdul Muhaya found that the transformation can be seen through the change of Qadariyah wa Naqsybandiyah Thareqah based on three islamic boarding schools; Suryalaya Islamic Boarding School in West Java, Darul Ulum Islamic Boarding School in Jombang, and Futuhiyyah Mranggen Islamic Boarding School. They also found that these thareqah such as Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah is connected through economy activity (Syukur and Muhaya, 2015).
Several people may ask about the complexity of Sufism that do not just focus on the spiritual matters. Abdul Kadir Riyadi, a man who studied a Sufi teacher Ahmad Asrori in Surabaya, states that man has both sides, spirtually and rationally. Thus, Sufism not just beliefs in intuitive but also rational (Riyadi, 2017). Sufism teachings make more sense and adapt to the demands era and various sectors in economics, politics, local culture, and wisdom because there is a rational reason behind it. Based on numerous data of studies, social solidarity is a primary principle in every Thareqah, both classic and modern. However, the principle of understanding Sufism better has not been discussed widely. Thareqah congregation solidarity is the answer to Thareqah and Sufism's capability to collaborate with various parties, accept all community elements, and be involved in every line of life. The congregation, both classic and modern, comes from lower to highest economic backgrounds, different professions such as businessmen; farmers; intellectuals; or sovereign, obey islamic law nor value the local wisdom, and pragmatic nor idealist (Lukes and Scull, 2017).
The description above becomes the fundamental reason to study Thareqah through the social solidarity aspect. In short, the social solidarity of Thareqah has not been widely discussed in previous studies. The previous studies only examined Sufism or Thareqah religiously as a way of salvation. It can also illustrate the ability of Thareqah, particularly Khlawatiyah Samman, to grow in the modern ages that tend to have a thought in positivism or anti-religion. The study promotes social integration based on spirituality from various societal, economic, and political stages.

Methods
The study applied a qualitative case study, focusing on one object to be investigated deeply and detailed to get a phenomenon illustration (Rahardjo, 2017;Dewi, 2019). A case study focuses on a particular phenomenon (Yin, 2009). A case study facilitates a researcher to obtain information about the case directly from the informants and get the information up to date (Murdiyanto, 2020). By using a purposive sampling technique, informants were chosen in advance based on specific study criteria (Sayida, 2018). The data were collected through in depth-interview, observation, and documentation review. Then, the data were reduced to focus on the study's issues. Data were displayed based on the issues-last, verification, and conclusion based on the data in the field. The study output was the reason religious thareqah can exist in a positivistic period based on religious solidarity. The study will be published as information, knowledge, and social and religious policy decision-making. The study was conducted in Khalwatiyah Samman Thareqah, Maros District, South Sulawesi.

Results and Discussion
History as the fundamental of congregational solidarity History is a common foundation to connecting a community (Sabiq et al., 2022). The more history in common, the wider the people that connect through history (Adamiak et al., 2013). The solidarity also illustrates in the community of Khalwatiyah Samman Thareqah in Maros District. The history of Khalwatiyah Thareqah brought by khalifah and Syeikh from many territories. Diversity is essential to unite the congregation under the same umbrella. Unity in diversity is their central theme, Emile Durkheim's solidarity (Thijssen, 2012).
Based on history, the Khalwatiyah Thareqah is the development of the Suhrawardiyah Thareqah, which Sheik Yusuf introduced in Indonesia. According to Sheikh Yusuf, the Khalwatiyah Thareqah was founded by Umar Al-Khalwatiy Al-Rumiy (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014). At the end 18th century, the Khalwatiyah Thareqah spread into Khalwatiyah Sammaniah. Sheikh Muhammad Samman was the founder of the community by implementing various methods and through reading materials from some of the congregations he adheres to, such as the Khalwatiyah, Qadiriah, Naqsyabandiyah, and Syattariah orders (Yani, 2014).
Two very important figures in the spread of the Sammanian Thareqah to the nation are Abdus Samad Al-Palimbaniy and Nafis Al-Banjari. The most popular books are Hidayat Al-Salikin and Sayr Al-Salikin. Nafis al-Banjari only wrote two small books, not lots distributed outside South Kalimantan. Another figure who spreads the teachings of the Thareqah from Sheikh Al-Samman is Muhammad Muhyiddin bin Syihabuddin Al-Famlimbani, who has interpreted many holy books of the Manaqib that tells about miracles story of Shaykh Samman in the Malay language (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014).
Sheikh Samman has three students; Abdurrahman Masri Betawi, Muhammad Arsyad Al-Banjari, and Abdul Wahab Bugis. However, these three students do not follow the development of Thareqah from Sheikh Al-Samman. Abdul Wahab Bugis is a son of the king in Bugis land, who holds the title Sadanring Daeng Bunga Wardiah. Abdul Wahab is from Pangkajene Sidenreng and arrived in Banjarmasin with Arsyad Al-Banjari in 1186/1772 (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014).
Apart from Abdul Wahab Bugis, Lontara said that Haji Mahmud bin Haji Abdullah in Timurung (Bone) also studied with Muhammad Al-Samman in Medina for two years. Upon his arrival in Sulawesi, Haji Mahmud studied the Thareqah with Sheikh Al-Samman. He instructed his students to practice istighfar 100 times and dhikr "la ilaha illa Allah" 300 times (Interview with Puang Pali Dimaros Khalifah, 2014).

Lontara Akkarungeng Bone (Kingdom of Bone) shows that
Islam is getting strong, and the Bone Kingdom is gaining support from the public with its Islamic approach (Rahmawati, 2017). It is also said that in 1849, La Mappangara Wide Sinring, Tomarilaleng ( The history of the Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah development strengthens the congregation bond from different cities. It connects the relationship between the founders of thareqah and the congregation. There is no difference since they connect in the same identity, such as spiritual teacher, genealogy, and knowledge (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014). The solidarity of Durkheimian is interesting since it lifts the spirit of unity in diversity (Thijssen, 2012) and can be illustrated in the Khalwatiyah Samman Congregation. Barakkah (Sulawesi) or Tabarrukan (Arabic) is not about equality history but more meaningful than it. It is a social foundation that strengthens the connection among Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah in Maros. The concept of Barakkah is to look for spiritual blessing. Spirituality often becomes the solidarity foundation (Nisma, 2020). Scientists agree that solidarity is spirituality (O'Brien, 1992).

Barakkah and Social Motivation
Khalwatiyah Samman Thareqah Congregation strongly believes in barracks (blessing) (Jusran & Sanusi, 2021). "Mattarima Barakkah (looking for blessing)" for Buginese and Congregation of the Khalwatiyah Congregation Samman is the most essential thing in their life. The congregation is in one belief, although they have different social, educational, economic, and political backgrounds. Mattarima Barakka and the Khalwatiyah Samman Thareqah believe in themselves. Their confidence makes them feel comfortable living in public and belonging to relatives and family, although there is no bloodline among them (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014).
Congregational efforts look for blessings based on their Chaliph. They have to do all things commanded by and should follow the guidance of their Chaliph. Whatever is done by a caliph (anre guru) must also be followed by the congregation (child mangaji) (Ubaedillah, 2014). For example, the Dhuhur prayer after the Friday prayer. People who passed the process of barakka state that they do it as a form of yaro pm napigua anreguru (Buginese: that's what Puang Lompo did). The fiqh about the Dhuhr prayer after the Friday prayer is essential among the Sammaniah congregation since it forms the spiritual social identity (Interview with Dr Ruslan Wahab, MA, 2014).
The worship practice of Khalawatiyah is not different with other Muslim communities. Though there is a difference, it's just about ijtihad among clerics. Religious practice by the Khalawatiyah Sammaniah congregation, such as Dhuhur prayer after Friday prayer, is based on fiqh understanding and ijtihad from clerics based on the Hadith and the Qur'an. The difference in the prayer is in furu'iyah. The difference becomes the characteristics and the congregation solidarity (Interview with Dr. Ruslan Wahab, MA, 2014).
Madhhab al-Shafi'i is very strict in Friday prayer. Many al-Shafi'i books contain the obligatory Dhuhr prayer if Friday prayer is not implemented. The Qur'an also mentions that five times prayer is obligatory (mawqut holy book), yet there is no statement about the obligation of Dhuhur prayer on Friday. Thus, there are no Friday prayers, eliminating the obligation of Dhuhur prayer. The congregation followed the teachings by considering the religious practice of the caliph or the head of the congregation. Their practice is not just based on the fiqh but also on the barracks or blessing (Interview with Dr Ruslan Wahab, MA, 2014).
Barrack develops not only an obedient personality but also the regularity of a group. The Samman Khalwatiyah differs from modern organization in terms of bylawas, procedures, and witnesses to its members when violations happen. However, the concept of mattarima barracks brings brotherhood among the members naturally (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru, 2014).
Stability, harmony, and regularity in the Thareqah are driven by passion or akkareson (Buginese) in practicing the obligation. Thus, it is called blessings (barakka). Socially, the Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah congregation always states, "Everything we do is based on our caliph instruction." As students, they tend to be silent rather than criticize (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru, 2014). However, living with the community is the expression of activities, in which silence is the conscious choice of barracks to commit to keeping the community's harmony. The congregation obeys their caliph or spiritual teacher since they want to get the barrack (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru, 2014).

Ipuang, the Charisma of a Caliph
Besides blessings, another fundamental concept of the Khalwatiyah Samman Congregation is Ipuang (Buginese: role model). As well as barakkah, Ipuang also motivates the social community. To get the blessing yet show obedience to the caliph or spiritual teachers, the congregation should follow the practice and behavior of their caliph or spiritual teachers. Some experts mention a patron-client relationship by local stakeholders' power (Ubaidillah, 2017). However, Ipuang-ism is not about consciousness without rationality and hope, yet the objective choice of congregation.
Ipuang for the Khalwatiyah Samman congregation is similar to other religious groups who believe in the existence of saints. Most religions have a similar concept about a sainthood figure with a good attitude and becoming a role model (White, 2008). Ipuang of the Samman Khalwatiyah Congregation emphasizes that leadership is about the charisma of a figure, leader, caliph, or religious teacher. However, the interpretation of charisma is not as simple as Weber's definition: " someone's characteristic that makes him different from other people, yet viewed as the ability, supernatural, superhuman, or special power" (Epley, 2015). The Thareqah leader prioritizes those who are well-educated and capable of interpreting the science text.
Caliphs, teachers, or murshid in the Khalwatiyah Samman organization show a good example for their congregation and intellect. Thus, their behavior dan thoughts will motivate and inspire the congregation. The congregation will look for the ideal figure to be followed spiritually and intellectually (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014). Ipuang motivates and inspires the Thareqah leader constantly. Ipuang plays an essential role in solving complex problems in society. Thus, the Thareqah congregation highly respects their leaders or caliphs. The congregation believes in the ideal values of their Ipuang, including merit, blessings, and other inspirations among the figures.
The charismatic leadership of a caliph or leader and ipuang of the congregation increase the trust of the caliph or leader. Solidarity also creates naturally and gets visible (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014). The collaboration between the charismatic leader and ipuang of the congregation attracts the public. It was proven among the Khawaltiyah Samman Thareqah congregation in medium to top class. They are not easily to be obeyed by someone since they are well-educated. They follow the Thareqah since they admire the charismatic and intellectual leader covered through nobility behavior (Interiew with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014). The caliph title is used in the structure of Samman Khalwatiyah as religious leader without political interference. There is no aim to get power through a political approach, both practical and electoral. The terminology of the caliph is illustrated as a public leader and spiritual teacher to guide the Thareqah congregation to worship Him (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014).
Ideal profile interest can become an individual's main factor in joining the Tahreqah community. Bai'at is one of the main requirements of an individual to join the community, including Khalwatiyah Samman thareqah. It is an individual commitment to strengthen the solidarity of the community. Thus, an individual should follow the bai'at ceremony to become a member. It is called mattarima barakkah (Buginese) and annarima barakka (Makassarese), which means accept blessing. The essence of bai'at is the anakmangaji (student) stated oath loyal to the teachings given caliph (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014).
According to Al-Samman in His book, Al-Nafahat Al-Diviniyyat, an individual who wants to join Thareqah will need a sheik to guide him, as well sheik that has guided his students, such as the Prophet who guides his people. Sheiks educate their students like parents educate their sons. Parents always take oaths of loyal to their sons to avoid prohibition and obey the whole command (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014). It is in line with the oath of loyal to the Prophet (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014), which is stated in the Qur'an: "O Prophet, when religious women come to You to promise loyalty, do not associate aught with Allah, no steal, no adultery, no-kill their children, no lie through their hands and feet, and no disobey in good things, then accept their loyal promise and beg forgiveness to God for them. Allah forgives and is merciful. " (Qs. al-Mumtahanat: 12). Al-Samman also taught the procedures of bai'at, unfolding his hands above a sheik hand, either individual or group, then sheik read: Indeed, those who promise loyal to You promised loyal to God. God's hand above their hands. Thus, those who broke the promise will be getting the consequence for themselves and those who keep the promise to Allah SWT then Allah will give great reward" .
After the disciple said: "I testify that there is no god but Allah, Islam is my religion, Prophet Muhammad is my prophet, Al-Qur'an is my guide, Kaaba is my Qibla, and the clerics and tabi'tabii'n are my comrades." People who have bai'at means they already agreed and committed to doing something. Since they have committed to it, it affects them to be diligent in work. They also worship Allah regularly and keep their promise since it is one of God's commands, as in Qs. Al-Maidat: 1 that "O believers! Honour your obligations" (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014).
At first, people who converted to Islam only say two sentences of shahada. However, the requirement results in many Muslims being apostatized to Islam. After Isra and Mi'raj, the Prophet commanded implementing bai'at for those who converted to Islam. They will commit to obeying God's commands and avoid all His prohibitions. The bai'at happened in Aqabah after the Prophet migrated. He bai'at ten Medina residents consisting of eight Khazraj tribes and two Aus tribes (Kinas, 2012;Hisyam, 2019).
Bai'at was re-done by the Prophet to 75 Medina residents (bai'at Ridhwan was done when the Prophet Muhammad knew that Usman bin Affah was killed). God blessed the incident, saying, "Certainly was Allah pleased with the believers when they pledged allegiance to you, under the tree, and He knew what was in their hearts, so He sent down tranquillity upon them and rewarded them with an imminent conquest." (QS. Al-Fath 48: 18) The implementation of Bai'at keeps going on during the period of the Prophet. Before the Prophet died, he mandated Ali bin Abi Talib to continue the bai'at for those who wanted to convert to Islam. Allah says, "So when they ask your permission for a private matter, grant permission to whoever you wish and ask Allah's forgiveness for them. Surely Allah is All-Forgiving, Most Merciful" (QS. Al-Nur 24:62) (Hisyam, 2019).
There are three types of Bai'at in the Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah; Joining the first time in the community, representing as a caliph at the center level (arisingeng), bai'at as a Thareqah leader at the center level and appointing his representative outside of center level. The person who got bai'at, in the development center of the Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah Maros; Leppakkomai, Pattene, and Parengki, are for those who have a bloodline, such as father and son.
The Bai'at procedures done by Khalwatiyah Samman have been modified. A candidate student (anakmangaji) who will be bai'at has big and small hadas. For people who have big hadas, he needs to bath firstly. Meanwhile, for small hadas, he needs to take wudhu. In addition, the candidate students should be cleaning their soul and repentance. Bai'at ceremony usually done if there are at least 40 students and held in mosque or caliph's house at night (Interview with Puang Pali Dimaros Khalifah, 2014). Before bai'at ceremony began, the caliph asked the student willingness to be loyal and obey to the rules of the Thareqah. The student nodded as the sign of agreement to obey the rules and the caliph. The candidate students sit in circle, and holding the big prayer beads as a symbol of the bonding between the caliph and students, and among students.
The student's hand that holding the big prayer beads face upwards. It means the student expects for knowledge and caliph guidiance. Meanwhile, the caliph's hand face downwards. It means, the caliph will share the knowledge, advice, and guidance. They also wear white clothes and islamic cap (peci) as a symbol of holiness and sould cleanliness. These are the requirements for Thareqah congreggation to be close with Him as the aims of the Thareqah. After the worship, the food prepared by the congregation of Khalwatiyah Samman Thareqah (Interview with Puang Pali Dimaros Khalifah, 2014).
Ceremony of bai'at is not too strict as it is illustrated. If bai'at is done individually, then the candidate only needs to hold the small prayer beads, or shake hands with wearing white clothes. So does bai'at in a group. There is no big prayer beads now. They just use a plastic rope. The time also does not need to be done in the night. Bai'at can be done anytime as the agreement (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014).

Genealogy and its Psycho-sociological Functions
One aspect increases the Ipuang-ism awareness is the genealogy of caliphs, religious teachers, or murshid in the Khalwatiyah Thareqah. Some names are not listed in the family tree, including Hasan and Husain. These names should be listed under their father's Name, Ali ra, as in the book of Al-Nafahat al-Llahiyyat. Abdus Shamad al-Falimbani, a student of Abdul Karim Samman and the author of Sayr al-Salikin, also does not include Hasan and Husain in the family tree of the Thareqah. According to one of the Khalwatiyah Samman caliphs, these names were not listed since it was forbidden to have more than one caliph (Interview with Puang Pali Dimaros Khalifah, 2014). It is also stated that Hasan Basri was senior than both (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru).
The leadership positively impacts the congregation's solidarity since they obey only one leader. Practically, a caliph appointed his representative to lead certain areas. The position of the representative is the teacher (pakkajjara), a position under and to help the caliph in those areas (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru).
Pakkajara can become a priest. A priest can lead remembrance, guide in daily worship, and lead pilgrims on the pilgrimage of the caliph, such as in the Haul event. Pakkajara can also represent the caliph position to lead members to visit the graves of the Khalwatiyah Samman clerics, such as in the Haul event, post-Eid, and others. It happened in Barru, Leppakkomai, Pattene, and Parengki (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru). A pakkajara can also be a caliph, such as when the caliph is getting old or dying in certain areas. However, to become a caliph in a certain area, someone is not required to first go through the pakkajara position. On the center level, the senior caliph monitors and decides the best next caliph in certain areas. To become a caliph, a senior caliph sometimes needs a recommendation (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru).
The initiation of the caliph will be served in the areas done after Haul, yet it celebrates Pattene birthday. It is done if the candidate caliph comes from a far area, such as three caliphs from Riau by Andi Hamzah Puang Nippi in 1995 in Pattene, Maros (Interview with Puang Pali Dimaros Khalifah, 2014). The one who gets arisingeng (permission) officially has a letter to inform them. Inside the letter is the lineage of Thareqah and the caliph's name, who gave permission. Usually, the caliph's recommendation is at the bottom or above the letter. It also shows the picture and identity of the caliph. The letter was signed by the caliph that gave permission and recommendation (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014).
The genealogy seems technical, but it has essential meaning for the congregation. Khalwatiyah Samman congregation believes that the thoughts and experiences of the Thareqah must be based on Rasulullah SAW. The names of teachers who teach thareqah must be in order and have Rasulullah SAW genealogy. Every caliph respects their genealogy. Their genealogy is their identity, yet it illustrates their closeness with their thareqah teachers (Interview with Puang Solongdi at Barandasi Maros Anre Guru, 2014).
An example of the Samman Khalwatiyah Thareqah caliph genealogy is Abdullah (45 th on the list). Abdullah was replaced by his three sons; Muhammad Saleh, Muhammad Amin, and Ibrahim. These three were written in 46 on the list. The congregation knows these three caliphs were replaced by their sons. Their son is 47 on the list, right below each father's name (Interview with Puang Tompo Khalifah, 2014 Genealogy cannot be separated from the thareqah. Thareqah is known for five aspects: teacher (mursyid), students, genealogy, bai'at, and dhikr. These five aspects guide every movement of thareqah, including Khalwatiyah. The congregation respects genealogy since it connects to the education method of a teacher to spread the teachings. The thareqah plays the role of a disciplinarian and a fiqh teacher: teaches and educates. Fiqh teacher teaches the world, and the murshid teaches the soul (Interview with Puang Lewa Dibantimurung Anre Guru, 2014). Genealogy in the thareqah, including in the Khalwatiyah, protects the validity and authenticity of the teachings of the thareqah, so it remains to refer to the source: Rasulullah Muhammad SAW. It will create the obedience of the congregation. The genealogy is used to ensure the teachings of thareqah do not deviate from Islam, Rasulullah SAW teachings (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014).
Sanad becomes the main factor of Khalwatiyah thareqah to make people interested and join in this community. The teacher or caliph and the sanad are the main roles of spreading Islam through thareqah and gaining public trust in its teachings (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014). Sanad and genealogy are the foundation of leadership in Khalwatiyah Samman. These two, through social action, will bring solidarity to the community. The social action includes obedience of the thareqah congregation in doing something based on guidance and the teacher or caliph (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014).
The congregation only obeys their teacher regarding spirituality, religious teachings, and moral action. It is just a religious practice. Meanwhile, in terms of politics, they tend not to obey their teacher. For example, the congregation and teacher or murshid have a different political view in local leader election. It is accepted (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014). Social action done by the congregation of the Khalwatiyah Samman based on the religious teachings shows the strong solidarity among them. There is no issue with leadership above patronage in religious practice. For example, a teacher can unite a community with the same vision, religious practice, and values (Interview with Andi Bur Sanakmangaji, 2014).

Conclusion
Social solidarity and religious identity are core characteristics of the Khalwatiyah Samman Congregation. They have strong connections and solidarity, although having different backgrounds. The religion unites them, such as obedience to the caliph, faith to sanad knowledge and leader's genealogy, and religious practice done together, such as Haul and dhikr. There are two characteristics of Khlawatiyah Thareqah; Indonesian Muslims in general and Thareqah congregation in particular. Khalwatiyah Samman Tharaqah is harmonious, solid, and friendly. Sociology terminology is called solidarity mechanic. It is a solidarity form that unites the society from diverse identities and unites them in one identity called religion. Islam in the Archipelago cannot be separated from the thareqah. Many researchers have recognized it. The strong of Islam is illustrated by the Islam of unity in diversity. However, nowadays, Islam is not getting closer to Sufism in general and thareqah in particular. It may bring Islam to support social disintegrity, division, and hostility. Thus, discussing a Muslim solidarity-based community is essential.